The dream of Otto I - the German Duke of Saxony and king of Germany and Italy (912-973) – to marry his son, Otto II, to a Greek princess was partly fulfilled, in 972. On the 14th of April of that year, his son was married to Theofano in the basilica of Saint Peter in Rome, by Pope John XIII (965-972).
Theofano was not of noble lineage (“born in the purple”). Many attempts have been made to discover Theofano’s origin, given that her person is absent in the Greek sources. The prevailing version is that she was a descendant of the Skleros family and the niece of Ioannis Tsimiskis from his first marriage. The Emperor Tsimiskis had consented to Otto’s proposal, for political reasons. Having had to confront the Saracens eastwards and the Bulgarians at the northern borders of the Empire, the last thing that he desired was a military confrontation with the Germans in Italy.
Theofano’s arrival in Germany was received with a distrust that bordered on enmity by the Westerners, given that the newcomer was a bearer of the superior Hellenic civilization. The Westerners had very specific prejudices against the Hellenes at the time. Albeit recognizing their sapientia, they nevertheless “adorned” them with fallatia, invidia and arrogantia[1]. Theofano fell victim to the envious malevolence of both the Western medieval as well as the contemporary chronographers, not for what she was, but for what she represented: the superiority of the Hellenic civilization in the midst of Western European barbarity.
This is the attitude that we shall examine further along, from within the sources, and also check its objectivity, again from within the sources.
Illa imperatrix Greca[2] - Odilo of Cluny.
Odilo, Abbott of the Monastery of Cluny, a chronographer during the time of the events, was on good terms with Adelaide of Burgundy – Theofano’s mother-in-law. After her death in 999 AD, he delivered the Epitaph, from whence is taken the chapter’s heading, in which he praised the deceased and reprehended Theofano. He did not even mention her by her name, but instead, in a demeaning manner wrote of “that Hellene empress”. Relations between the two women were tense.
Theofano attended to the interests of her son Otto III, especially after the death of his father in 983. Otto III was only three years old in that year. Theofano arranged her son’s coronation on Christmas day of the same year, and she herself governed as viceroy until he became of age. She essentially took the power away from Adelaide –the wife of the deceased Otto II- which was something that her mother-in-law did not appreciate in the least. Odilo makes mention of Adelaide’s joy, when Theofano died in 991.
Even before the vice-regency was undertaken by the Hellenic queen, the relations between the two women were hostile ones. Adelaide pressured Otto II to invade the byzantine eparchies of Italy – an action that was contrary to the reasons for the proxy marriage. Obviously, she was hoping that she would thus provoke her daughter-in-law to abandon the German royal court. Otto II invaded the Hellenic eparchies of Southern Italy in March of 982, but the campaign did not work out as he had expected. He barely managed to escape in July of the same year, after the annihilation of his army, and to return to Rome in disguise. He was preparing for a second campaign against the Hellenic eparchies, when the news arrived that the Slavic tribes of the eastern German borders had revolted; upon hearing of it, he suffered a stroke in his palace in Rome, on the 7th of December of 983.
Adelaide’s relations with the monastery at Cluny were especially good ones, on account of her generous grants in money and lands. It is not difficult therefore, for one to understand why Odilo felt obligated to praise the donor.
Alpertus of Metz.
The warfare between the Germans and the Hellenes of Southern Italy are described in the work of Alpertus Mettensis, “Fragmentum de Deoderico primo episcopo Mettensi”, written around 1017. In it, Alpertus expresses his disdain for Theofano, characterizing her as unpleasant and excessively talkative[3]. He regarded her as a representative of Hellenic mentality and mentions that she spoke triumphantly about the victory of her compatriots over the Germans.
Clearly disillusioned by the defeat of his compatriots, he expressed their resentfulness with personal attacks against the Hellenic queen. It was in this way that he had expressed his stereotyped prejudices of westerners for the Hellenes and for women. And Theofano was both a Hellene and a woman.
Otloh of St. Emmeran (Regensburg).
The mythical proportions of the antipathy of the westerners for Theofano are quite obvious, in the following narration. A German nun saw Theofano in a vision, which was recorded by the monk Otloh of St. Emmeran in the Liber visionum (Book of Visions), written around 1050[4].
Theofano appeared to the nun and told her that after death, she had been placed in great torment (maximo tormento posita sum). When the nun asked her why, she replied that she was deserving of eternal condemnation (merui aeternam dampnationem), because she had introduced many superfluous and luxurious women’s ornaments that were commonplace in Hellas, but unknown until then in the provinces of Germany and France (multa superflua et luxoriosa mulierum ornamentum, quibus Graecia uti solet, sed eatenus in Germaniae Franciaeque provinciis errant incognita). Theofano finally asked the nun to remember her in her prayers, so that she might find mercy from God.
An abbreviated version of the vision was inserted in a manuscript of Vita Bernwardi, Episcopi Hildesheimensis, of the 15th century[5]. However, the author Thangmar of Hildesheim is not hostile towards Theofano, whom he describes as «a wise and respected queen mother» (venerabilis et sapientissima mater domna[6]). The 15th century copier most probably did not agree with the author’s view and had intentionally inserted the résumé of the vision in order to discredit it.
Worth noting is the fact that the publisher of Otloh’s text, Rogerus Wilmans, titles the chapter as «Theophaniae imperatricis ob luxum vestium in purgatorio poenae» (Empress Theofania penalized in purgatory for luxury clothing), along the lines of the 19th century publisher of Patrologia Latina. Neither the text nor the author makes any mention of purgatory. They only mention the interim state of the souls, according to the catholic belief that persevered at the time (poenas…, quod in fide catholica perservari) of both easterners and westerners, prior to the Schism and the Gregorian Reformation. Apparently the publishers must have thought that if a Hellene woman spoke of purgatory, it would add to the credibility of the papal heresy, so they pursued the familiar tactic of forgery.
Another point that we must pause on in the above narration is the reason for Theofano’s conviction - according to the vision. Theofano was convicted because she had introduced luxury items and ornaments in the West, as well as habits as yet unfamiliar, such as bathing. It is a known fact that staying unwashed was the norm for the barbarian Europeans of the West, who in fact took pride in it. .
Petrus Damianus.
It has become an accepted fact nowadays, that the barbaric Germans of the 10th century learnt the use of the fork thanks to queen Theofano – albeit there is no specific mention of this in the sources. There are general references to the luxury items that she had introduced, but no specific mention about the fork. In the sources the first reference to the introduction of the fork in the West is found in the diatribe by Petrus Damianus, “Institutio monialis”. The story is as follows.
The Doge of Venice, Peter II Orseolo and a good friend of Otto III, had contributed to the defence of the coasts of the Adriatic by assisting Basil II the “Bulgaricide” in confronting the Arab threat in Italy. Following the defeat of the Arabs at Bari in 1004, Basil II invited the Doge’s son, Ioannis, to Constantinople and married him to Maria Argyropoulina, sister of Romanos III (according to Skylitzis). The Westerners believed that Maria was of noble lineage, like Theofano, but the truth was different in both cases. Maria, her husband and their child finally died during the plague epidemic of 1006.
Petrus Damianus, a renowned papist theologian of Pope Gregory VII’s circle, expresses in his work the inferiority complex in the western Europeans’ mentality towards the superiority in the lifestyle of the Hellenes; they thought that Maria’s death was attributed to the wrath of God on account of her luxuries. The relative excerpt is as follows:
“Such was the luxury of her traditions, that she even snubbed bathing in common water, forcing her servants on the contrary to collect the dew that fell from the heavens, that she may wash herself in it. She also did not condescend to touch her food with her fingers, but instead ordered her eunuchs to cut it into small pieces that she would then stab with a two-pronged instrument and thus bring the food to her mouth. Her rooms had such a heavy atmosphere from the use of incense and various perfumes that it makes me feel nauseous even talking about those things, and even my readers will not believe me. The vanity of this woman was loathed by the Almighty; and so, infallibly, He took His revenge [7]».
Maria Argyropoulina lived around the same time as Theofano and was the bearer of the same spirit in the West. We can consequently safely assume that Theofano likewise used a fork and that she had brought it along with the rest of her belongings to Germany. One could say that Theofano introduced the use of forks in the West, even though it is not specifically mentioned in the sources.
One can extract yet another useful conclusion from Petros Damianos’ narration regarding Theofano, as regards the papists’ propagandist way of handling history. The one in question accused Theofano of having a love affair with Ioannis Philagathos[8], a Greek monk from Southern Italy. Ioannis became a member of the German royal court, per the wishes of Theofano[9], and later bishop in Piacenza [10]. The papists’ problem was that the specific bishop later became Pope of Rome in 997, with the name Ioannis XVI, replacing the German Pope, Gregory V, who was Otto III’s cousin, Bruno. Ioannis was elevated to Pope through the votes of Roman citizens and the Senator Criscus, supported by Basil II the “Bulgaricide”.
«In the meantime, during the time that Otto III co-reigned with his Hellene mother, a certain Hellene - the chamberlain of “Her Hellenity” (author’s note: sarcasm aimed at Theofano) - became Bishop of Piacenza. It was rumored of him, that he was cleverly attempting to transfer the glory of the Roman Empire to the Hellenes. Indeed, by using the assistance and the wealth of certain Roman citizens, especially of a very wealthy man by the name of Criscus, he had violently snatched the Apostolic See and displaced the reverent pope who held the See until that time. When this became known, Otto abandoned Suabia and came hurriedly to Italy».
The Germans could not tolerate a Hellene in the pope’s place. Otto invaded Rome in 998. Ioannis tried to escape but was apprehended. They cut off his nose, his ears, his tongue, and they broke his fingers so that he would be unable to write. The ignominious end to the hieratic tenure of Philagathos is described in the biography of Hossios Nilus the Calabrian: «For, having been deprived of those body parts that were most necessary – I mean, the eyes and the tongue and the nose – he was thrown into prison in a wretched state and unattended to [11]».
As made apparent in this instance, as well as other instances (which need not be examined here), the accusation of prostitution pertained only to the Helleno-Roman popes, not the German ones, who were the Germans’ preference. The entire propaganda of stigmatization of the Helleno-Roman popes is contained in the term “pornocracy”, with which the papists characterize the last period of Orthodox Roman Popes, before the final takeover of their Sees by the Germans in 1009. It was in this instance that they had also implicated Theofano in the accusation of prostitution – an accusation that was unfair, for the simple reason that, according to the traditions of that era, the chamberlains – the “dormitory attendants” – were, according to byzantine terminology, eunuchs [12].
Thietmar of Merseburg
Theofano of Germany had followed the example of the holy queen Theodora, inasmuch as she had shown the same concern for her husband Otto’s soul after his death, just as the saintly Theodora had done for the soul of her own husband, Theophilos. The relative narration was preserved by the broadly referenced, medieval chronographer, Thietmar of Merseburg [13].
«The emperor (Otto III), having grown up and become a man, had put aside his childishness as the Apostle says. In continuous mourning for the destruction of the church of Merseburg, he had very carefully planned for its restoration and, motivated by his pious mother (Theofano), constantly thought about fulfilling his promise while he was still alive. She had seen the following in a dream and had mentioned it later on, in the way that she had interpreted it. During the silence of the night [14], the athlete of Christ – Saint Laurentios – appeared before her with his right hand amputated and said :
- Why don’t you ask who I am?
And she replied,
- I do not dare to ask, my lord!
- I do not dare to ask, my lord!
The saint replied,
- I am……, giving his name, and said,
- What you are seeing was inflicted on me by your husband, who was deceived by the words of a man, whose guilt causes division in the multitude of the chosen of Christ.
- I am……, giving his name, and said,
- What you are seeing was inflicted on me by your husband, who was deceived by the words of a man, whose guilt causes division in the multitude of the chosen of Christ.
Following the above, she compelled her God-fearing son to attend to the eternal salvation of his father’s soul, by restoring the bishopric – which had to be fulfilled, whether Gisheller was still alive, or after his passing [15]».
The matter of the transfer of the Merseburg diocese to the archdiocese of Magdeburg and the takeover of the position of archbishop by Gisheller in 981 is discussed in another place in the same Chronicle (III.13). The event had shaken ecclesiastic affairs quite considerably, given that we find one more account, by Thietmar’s fellow-student, Bruno of Querfurt:
«Prior to his (Otto’s) death, God –the only philanthropist- revealed the following vision to a wise man, in order for mankind to be moved to repentance. We do not regard as foolish the mention of the following vision, by bringing it to memory exactly as we had heard it. In the middle of the night, when mankind is usually embraced by the deepest sleep, he (the wise man) saw one of the two persons that we mentioned (king Otto) seated on a throne of gold with a silver foot-stool. On looking around him, he (the monarch) saw a row of bishops and noblemen. A young man then entered the room; he was handsome, with a face blazing like fire. He was dressed in white and had a purple stole hanging over his chest. Instead of going to stand with the others, he continued on his course, heading for the emperor. Then, after insolently pulling away the silver foot-stool from under the monarch’s feet, he headed for the door, with his face turned away. Greatly disturbed by the turn of events, the one who was honoured with such a vision ran behind the young man and said to him:
- I beg you, my lord, give me back the foot-stool, for fear you will be regarded guilty of a most heinous act! Whoever you are that dares something so outrageous, I beseech you, do not insult the king in front of so many people! Likewise, God had then deigned that the said bishop perceive it was the important and golden person of the powerful Laurentios. The saint then replied:
- I beg you, my lord, give me back the foot-stool, for fear you will be regarded guilty of a most heinous act! Whoever you are that dares something so outrageous, I beseech you, do not insult the king in front of so many people! Likewise, God had then deigned that the said bishop perceive it was the important and golden person of the powerful Laurentios. The saint then replied:
-On the contrary, if he does not offer compensations for his shame, I shall do even more! After having snatched away his foot-stool, I will depose him!
The royal youth simultaneously recognized the awesomeness of the vision, as well as the deadly threat [16]».
The royal youth simultaneously recognized the awesomeness of the vision, as well as the deadly threat [16]».
It is quite possible, that the rumour of that vision came to the attention of Theofano and had made her counsel her son to attend to restoring the bishopric. Thietmar expresses very positive opinions regarding the queen :
«Even though she belonged to the weaker sex, her unpretentiousness, her faith and her lifestyle were exceptional – something rare in Hellas. When maintaining her son’s monarchy with a manly supervision, she was always well-disposed and philanthropic to law-abiders, but terrific and victorious towards troublemakers (or rebels). From the fruits of her belly, she offered daughters to God as tithes; the first one, named Adelaide, at Quedlinburg and the second, Sophia, at Gandersheim [17]».
Theofano had three daughters. The first was Sophia (975-1039), who was sequestered at Gandersheim Abbey at the age of four. She was raised there by her father’s cousin, the Abbess Gerberga II. Sophia became Abbess at the said Abbey in 1002 and in 1011 she was also given the Abbey at Essen. In other words, she was the Abbess of two Abbeys.
Theofano’s second daughter, Adelaide (977-1044/5) was raised at the Abbey of Quedlinburg, by her father’s aunt, the Abbess Mathilde. After the death of Mathilde, she undertook the said Abbey, in 999 A.D.. Theofano’s third daughter, Mathilde (979-1025), was sent as a young child to the Abbey of Essen, for the purpose of being raised properly, in order to replace her Abbess cousin who was also named Mathilde. She eventually married the Count of the Palatinate of Lorraine, Ezzo, and bore ten children together with him.
Brun of Querfurt
Brun of Querfurt, who is mentioned above, expresses his admiration of the Hellene queen. Thefano was on good terms with the Bishop of Prague, Adalbert (982-997), who was martyred in his attempt to Christianize the Prussians of the Baltic. His Bios was written by Brun. Brun had written the “Vita Sancti Adelberti episcopi pragensis” (the life of Saint Adelbert, bishop of Prague) during his two-year stay in Rome.
Following the death of her husband, Theofano also stayed in Rome for a period of time. There, she tended to the soul of Otto, with works of charity for the poor of the city and with 40-day memorial services. During that time, she became acquainted with Adalbert and showed significant generostity towards him, by secretly sending him a significant amount of money. Adalbert in turn secretly distributed the money to the poor [18].
Theofano made huge donations to churches and to ecclesiastic foundations, as in Magdeburg and in Frankfurt, to the church of St. Salvator. Saint Gregory of Brutscheid was a Hellene of Southern Italy. In his Bios is mentioned that Theofano funded the erection of two new churches. In Rome he became the founder of a monastery dedicated to Saint Salvator; in Aachen, of a chapel dedicated to Saint Nicholas. She made donations to the Church of the Holy Mother in Cologne – always according to the said Bios. The anonymous author refers to her as “matrona religiosa et Deo devote imperatrix (the pious mother and an empress dedicated to God)[19]”. In another text, the Translatio S. Albini there is mention of the queen’s donations to the church of Saint Panteleimon in Cologne. The church was founded by the bishop of the city, Bruno, cousing of Otto I and later pope. It is said that the relics of the saint were brought there from Nicomedia[20]. It was in this church that Theofano was buried after her death.
Other relics which had come from the East, as part of her dowry, were those of Saint Demetrius, Saint Nicholas and Saint Dionysios. Many other relics which had come to the West thanks to Theofano were given to churches of larger bishoprics and they had become the patron saints of significant cities. For example, St. Dionysios became patron saint of Quedlinburg. The next biggest introduction of relics from the East to the West took place after the Sacking of Constantinople. On the matter of the pledges and the dedications by Theofano, the majority of the sources still remain unsearched [21].
It was only recently that the topic of research has focused on the manner of transportation of byzantine masterpieces of art and miniatures to the West. On this matter, the history pertaining to Theofano has contributed greatly; nevertheless, it has still remained unsearched to a large extent [22]. On the topic of ecclesiastic hagiography, it was during this era that new themes were introduced from Greece, such as icons of the Holy Mother in scenes from the New Testament, icons of the Crucifixion and especially of the “Supplication” –a subject that is not found in western European countries before this period. A relief carving of the Crucifixion on ivory of the 10th c. is kept at the Gemeentemuseum in Arnhem. Also imported during this period is the subject of the Holy Mother-Leader, and a relief carving of it -again on ivory- is kept at the Rijksmuseum Het Cathrijneconvent, in Utrecht.
Apart from the introduction of new topics of hagiography, Hellenic influences are also noted on the existing topics. For example, the Dormition of the Theotokos receives a new form, as in the scene depicted on ivory, on the Bible of Otto III. Also influenced is the terminology of the topics, while for the first time, the Holy Mother is referred to as “The Ever-benevolent Empress of the Angels” in the Vita Sancti Adalberti (bona semper angelorum imperatrix augusta). It has therefore become accepted today, that the contribution of Theofano’s presence in the West was far greater than was suspected in the past, even on matters of ecclesiastic art.
Epilogue.
In spite of her life of piety in ecclesiastic matters and her liveliness in political affairs, Theofano was treated with an evident antipathy by westerners, on account of her Hellenic origin. Even though most of the Ottonide wives were beatified (albeit unjustly) after their death, Theofano remained in obscurity. Her life did not survive in any Vita, when insignificant personages such as Edith and Adelaide, the two wives of Otto I, Cunegunda, wife of Henry II, have been honorably mentioned. Nor was her name given to any of her descendants, except perhaps for a granddaughter of hers – the Abbess at Essen. Her portrait was not included in the dynasty’s family tree, which can be found in the Chronicle of Saint Panteleimon, in the Library of Herzog August Bibliothek, in Wolfenbüttel [23]. The sole depiction of her exists inside a Gospel of around the year 1000 [24].
The reasons underlying the demoting of Theofano’s presence as a member of that dynasty and her contribution in the influence of the Hellenic civilization upon the western European one is easily understood. Her Hellenic origin, her dynamic presence in politics, the mediatory attempts to smooth out the relations between the Hellenes and the Latins in Southern Italy, her relations with the Hellenes of Rome, were all judged later on as dangerous by the German-leaning, papist propaganda. The jealousy towards her “lavish” lifestyle (which was a daily item for Hellenes and had rightly justified the view of many northern countries that Hellas was the paradise of that era) was yet another factor. Should we decide to take a deeper look at this point, we would necessarily have to compare the place of women in western Europe to that of women in Hellas of that time, by which we would understand why German society regarded Theofano as being a “bad” example, with her education and her free manner of thinking, her perspicacity and her diplomacy, with all the charismas that the Hellenic society of the East had endowed her – and which she was capable of utilizing, from the post that History had in store for her. It has become obvious, that whatever Theofano was able to offer, and finally did offer, was not a requisite in the West, even many centuries later.
Let us hope that the recognition of this important Hellene, who had associated with, and influenced, some very important personages of her time – such as Bruno, Romuald, Adalbert, as well as very many Saints, such as Saint Nilus the Calabrian, Hossios Savvas, Saint Gregory – will eventually come to pass, albeit delayed.
Footnotes
[1] De propietatibus gentium, ed. Th. Mommsen, MGH AA XI.389-90. Sapientia= σοφία, fallatia=πλάνη, invidia=ζήλια, arrogantia= αλαζονεία.
[2] H. Paulhart, Die Lebensbeschreibung der Keiserin Adelheid von Abt Odilo von Cluny, Graz 1962, p. 35 (PL 142.974).
[3] MGH SS IV.698. New edition H. van Rij-A. Sapir Abulafia, Alpertus van Metz: De diversitate temporum & Fragmentum de Deoderico primo episcopo Mettensis, Amsterdam 1980, pp. 110-1.
[4] Othloni Sancti Emmerammi, Liber visionum MGH SS XI.385.
[5] MGH IV.888.
[6] MGH IV.759.
[7] Petrus Damianus, Institutio monialis XI, PL 145.744. Wnglish translation, J. J. Norwich, A History of Venice, Harmondsworth 1983, p. 60.
[8] PL 144.253: “qui etiam cum imperatrice, quae tunerat, obscoeni negotii dicebantur habere mysterium”
[9] Annales Quedlinburgenses, MGH SS III.74.
[10] Arnulfus Mediolanensis, Liber gestorum recentium I.11, MGH SS rerum Germanicarum LXVII.133: “Interim regnant Ottone tertio cum matre Greca quidam Grecus Grece domine capellanus factus est Placentinus episcopus, de quo dictum est, quod Romani decus imperii astute in Grecos transfere temptasset”
[11] Hossios Nilus the Calabrian, published by the Sacred Metochion of the Annunciation of the Theotokos, Ormylia 1991, p. 284.
[12] The incident is in the Bios of Hossios Nilus the Calabrian, pp. 226-230.
[13] Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, ed. W. Trillmich, Ausgewählte Quellen zur Deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 1957, pp. 114-5, 124-6, 130-1. The Chronikon also exists in the series MGH SS rerum Germanicarum (nova series) 9, ed. Robert Holtzman.
[14] The familiar tactic of using excerpts from the classics; here, from Virgil, Aeniad ΧΙΙ.846 Agricult. Ι.247.
[15] English translation David A. Warner, Ottonian Germany: The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg, Manchester University Press 2001, pp. 157-8
[16] Brun of Querfurt, Vita Sancti Adalberti episcopi Pragensis et martyris XII, ed. J. Karwasin’ska, MPH vol. pt. 3 (Warsaw 1973), pp. 13-5.
[17] David A. Warner, Ottonian Germany…, p. 158. Λατινικό κείμενο, ed. W. Trillmich, AQDG 9, pp. 130-1: “Haec, quamvis sexu fragilis, modestae tamen fiduciae et, quod in Grecia rarum est, egregiae conversationis fuit regnumque filii eius custodia servabat virili, demulcens in omnibus pios terrensque ac superans erectos. De fructo vero ventris sui decimas Deo obtulit filias suas, I. ad Quidilingeburg Aethelheidam nomine, alteram ad Gonnesheim, quae Sophia dicitur”.
[18] Brun of Querfurt, Vita Sancti Adalberti…, p. 13: “Ibi tunc pulchrum lucctum Greca imperatrix augusta, que iam longos dies mortuum flevit, sepulti coniugis memoriam rreparat, dulcem Ottonem elemosinis et orationibus cello commendat. Sed peccatum quod vivens neglexit, mortuo marito emendare uxor superstes instabat; legatos mittit elemosinas et orations multorum, per quos propicium Redemptorem appellaret, ut peccatorem regem ab incendio liberaret”.
[19] Vita Gregorii abbatis Porcetensis posterior, MGH SS XV.195.
[20] MGH SS XV p. 686: “Quae divina augusta Sancti Pantaleonis monasterium summon honore coluit et regali munificentia sublimavit sanctorumque reliquiis permunivit”. Hugo of Flavigny mentions that the relic of the saint had come to the West, but relics were also left behind, and were venerated in the East. MGH SS VIII.374.
[21] The need to examine thespecific matter is touched on, in special studies, such as:
- A. Krickelberg- Pütz, Die Mosaikone der Hl. Nikolaus in Aachen-Burtscheid, Aachener Kunstblätter 50 (1982), 9-141.
- H. Wentzel, Byzantinische Kleinkunstwerke aus dem Umkreis der Kaiserin Theophano, Aachener Kunstblätter 44 (1973) 43-86.
- J. Flemming, Byzantinische Schatzkunst, Berlin 1979, pp. 19-24.
[22] Ref. to the chapter of Rosamond McKitterick, Ottonian intellectual culture in the tenth century and the role of Theophano, in the collective Adelbert Davis (overview), The Empress Theophano: Byzantium and the West at the turn of the first millennium, Cambridge 1995, pp. 169-193, where the matter is touched on, before the examination of the Greek manuscripts that arrived in the West during this period.
[23] Codex 74.3 Aug. 2o, fol.226.
[24] R. Kashnitz, Ein Bildnis der Theophanu?; zur Tradition der Münzen und Medaillon-Bildnisse in der karolingischen und ottonischen Buchmalerei, in von Euw-Schreiner, Keiserin Theophanu, II pp. 101-134, image 1.
Translation by A.N.
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